Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in-tos a lexical semantic a

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

Modern Greek Deverbal Adjectives in -tos: a lexical semantic approachValia KordoniWith this study, a detailed semantic classi cation of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in -tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the -tos and -menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected in the case of -menos, but no such evidence is available for the adjectives in -tos .

Abstract

1 The problemIt has been claimed in the literature (cf. Setatos 1984], p.83) that the Modern Greek deverbal adjectives in -tos: A. denote a change in the nature of their reference. But: Many of the deverbal adjectives in -tos DO NOT denote a change in the nature of their reference. For example, the adjective vras-tos (boiled) denotes a transformation in the expression vras-to kreas (boiled meat), but the adjective kelaristos (babbling) in the expression kelaristi pigi (babbling waterfall) does not denote any change in the nature of the waterfall. Moreover, the adjective kini-tos (mobile) denotes a capability of its reference. B. do not refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb. But: In Section 2.2 we will present a whole class of deverbal adjectives in -tos which refer to the subject of the action denoted by the verb (for example, gelas-tos (smiling)). C. do not bear any reference to time. According to Setatos, the adjectival participles ending in -menos denote an\anterior" event. But: In his analysis, Setatos 1984] does not clarify the content of the notion\anterior event". This clari cation is necessary, though, because adjectives constitute a nominal category, while the expression of time is a privilege of verbs. Compare, for instance, the following examples: (1) vras-meno nero boiled water 1

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

\water that has already boiled, and may not be boiling now" (2) vras-to nero boiled water\water that has already boiled, or water that is boiling now" (3) misi-menos hated\somebody who has been hated" (4) misi-tos hated\somebody whose character might make others hate him" According to Setatos's 1984] analysis, in the examples (1) and (2) above, both the adjectival participles in -menos and the deverbal adjectives in -tos entail that the boiling event has preceded. Thus, both adjectives denote some kind of an\anterior event". On the other hand, though, Setatos claims that there is a contrast between them. But we think that this contrast is due to the ambiguity of the verb vrazo (boil) itself, and not to the properties of the above mentioned adjectival categories. For instance, one of the readings of the verb vrazo (boil) concerns the boiling event itself. To express such a kind of an event, Modern Greek has two homonymous verbs which encode the di erence between a causative and a non-causative event ((5), (6)). The other reading of the verb vrazo (boil) denotes that the temperature of the object that boils is high ((7)), without making any reference to the way in which the object reaches such a high tem

perature. In this case the notion of causation is not lexicalized ((8)): (5) Anapse tin fotia na light-PRES-IMP-3-sg the(det,fem,acc,sing) re(fem,acc,sing) to vrasis nero gia ta makaronia. boil-INF-3-sg water(neut,acc,sing) for the(det,neut,acc,pl) pasta(neut,acc,pl)\Light the re to boil the water for the pasta". (6) Otan to nero vrazi, kani when the(det,neut,nom,sing) water(neut,nom,sing) boil-3-sg, make-3-sg thorivo. noise(masc,nom,sing)\When the water boils, it makes noises". 2

With this study, a detailed semantic classification of Modern Greek deverbal adjectives ending in-tos is attempted and the semantic properties of the-tos and-menos deverbal adjectives are contrasted. Traces of an inherited argument structure are detected i

(7) To mesimeri i the(det,neut,acc,sing) afternoon(neut,acc,sing) the(det,fem,nom,sing) amos vrazi apo ton ilio sand(fem,nom,sing) boil-3-sg from the(det,masc,acc,sing) sun(masc,acc,sing) kai den mporis na perpatisis xipolitos. and not can-2-sg to walk-INF-2-sg barefooted(adj,masc,nom,sing)\In the afternoons the sand is so hot because of the sun that one cannot walk on it barefooted". (8) *To mesimeri o the(det,neut,acc,sing) afternoon(neut,acc,sing) the(det,masc,nom,sing) ilios vrazi tin amo... sun(masc,nom,sing) boil-3-sg the(det,fem,acc,sing) sand(fem,acc,sing)\*In the afternoons the sun boils the sand...". The adjective vras-tos (boiled) is also ambiguous: (9) Ta vrasta avga the(det,neut,nom,pl) boiled(adj,neut,nom,pl) egg(neut,nom,pl) kriosan. cool-PAST-3-pl\The boiled eggs cooled". (10) Vasanizan tous lakismenous torture-PAST-3-pl the(det,masc,acc,pl) prisoner(masc,acc,pl) vazontas tous vrasta put-PART-PRES-3-pl cl(masc,acc,pl) boiled(adj,neut,acc,pl) avga stis mashales. egg(neut,nom,pl) to-the(det,fem,acc,pl) armpit(fem,acc,pl)\They were torturing the prisoners by putting boiled eggs under their armpits". Examples (3) and (4) above show the di erence between the deverbal adjectives misitos and misi-menos . We would like to mention here the following: rstly, if the semantics of the adjective misi-tos (and possibly, the semantics of all the adjectives derived from psychological predicates ending in -tos ) is\somebody whose character might make others hate him", then A above is in contrast with this class of adjectives, since the property denoted by the adjective is described as inher …… 此处隐藏：40527字，全部文档内容请下载后查看。喜欢就下载吧 ……